Saturday 14 February 2015



DEMOCRACY AND POLITICS OF GODFATHERISM IN NIGERIA:
THE EFFECTS AND WAY FORWARD

Political godfatherism is one of the factors that embedded democratic setting in Nigeria since
first republic. In view of this, this research work is primarily designed to examine democracy and
politics of godfatherism in Nigeria with emphasis on its effects and way forward. The study
adopts primary and secondary data to analyze some critical issues, like political violence, vote
buying, disenfranchisement and some other political and socio-cultural factors that embedded
democratic setting in Nigeria since 1999 till current political dispensation engaged by godfathers
and godsons. The study further explores the relationship between godfathers and godsons with a
particular attention to who become the next strongmen in the area of politics and who retains the
status quo. This study examines some key concepts, such as democracy, political violence and
political godfatherism. Finally, the study concludes with recommendations in order to ensure
good governance and political stability in Nigeria.

Democracy in Nigeria has had a chequered history. From the ‘Wild-Wild West’ experience of
the first republic through prolonged autocratic military regimes and the truncated second and
third republics to the present democratic dispensation, democracy has suffered debilitating
experiences in the country. The perennial travail of democracy is predicated on a number of factors, including ineffective structures and institutions, the foreboding presence of the military, corruption, money politics and godfatherism .
However, Godfatherism has become a scary phenomenon in Nigerian politics. Godfatherism in Nigeria, particularly in its current form and character, is distributive. Though it is a longstanding and deeply rooted feature of the cultural values of Nigerian society, where it is purely socio-  economic in nature and mutually productive for both parties, its politicization would appear to have contributed to the criminalization of politics. For example, the Hausa have a well-institutionalized system where the godfather is known as “Maigida” (landlord or head of household). Godfathers reign across all spheres of the society: academics, legal, and religion environment.
Therefore, the clamour for democracy in Nigeria is to improve both political and socio-economic
situation of the country through massive involvement in the policy making, but reverse is the
case as those that attained political power in both legislative and executive arms of government
got to the seat of powers through the support of some political ‘godfathers’ in various states cum
the center, however, the desire of political godfathers is to hold political and socio-economic
powers both at the center cum the component units as mechanisms to politically influence the
activities of political office holders, that is, the Governors and some Legislators in terms of
appointing people into various positions, such as Ministers/Commissioners, Chairmen of the
boards, Secretaries to the various Institutions, DPM and Treasurers of Local Governments as
well as allocation of some developmental projects into various localities within the state or center
as well.

Consequently, the impact of the godfathers on Nigeria’s general elections was unprecedented.
Godfathers are those who have the security connections, extended local links, enormous financial
weight to plot and determine the success of a power seeker at any level of a supposedly
competitive politics. Although godfatherism has an institutionalized feature in Nigerian politics over the years, its contemporary manifestations suggest that it has assumed epidemic proportions,  becoming one of the greatest threats to democratic consolidation in Nigeria. The recent activities of some Nigerian godfathers could be likened to attributes of mafianism; however, some still see the existence of godfathers as the balancer of power in a democracy. Akinola (2009) believes in the need to have a good-hearted individual (people’s hero) at the sole realm of absolute power, a godfather distributes power as he deems, and anoints who rules. But, godfatherism has taken a strange dimension in Nigeria’s political environment. It has become a menace pulling down the foundations of masses-driven governance, thereby denying Nigerians the much-deserved dividends of democracy. since 1999, when Nigeria joined the comity of democratically governed countries, it has continued to experience an unprecedented rise in political violence ranging from increased crime wave, armed robbery, political assassination, and religious riots as a result of crises loomed between godfathers and some godsons, see the case of godfatherism, which reached its climax during the wanton destruction of lives and properties that witnessed the violent confrontation between a godfather (Chris Uba) and governor of Anambra state (Chris Ngige) and Dr. Olusola Saraki and his godson, late Admiral Mohamed Lawal in 1999-2003 administration in Kwara State which witnessed various political dimensions ranging from the destruction of lives and properties, electoral malpractices/violence, disenfranchisement of many qualified electorates through the engagement of thugs and lastly, the invitation of vote buying system between godfather (Dr. Olusola Saraki) and his godson (Late Admiral Mohamed Lawal) who wanted to become political dictator in the state. In conclussion, there is hardly any state devoid of the existence and influence of godfathers, though the level of such influence varies.
 In America, the political candidate wiggles around, seeking group and individual endorsements for their candidacy. Also, in other advanced societies, group influence and endorsement could be more valuable than a powerful individual .
In essence, godfatherism is a threat to the Nigeria’s nascent democracy. This makes it imperative
in this paper to explore the ugly phenomenon of godfatherism and its effect on democratization
in the country.
CONCLUSION
From all indications, godfatherism is a major debacle to political stability in any given society
because it involves the employment of all illegal means to achieve their political objectives
during registration of voters and conduct of both primaries and general elections in the state cum
the center. The godfathers are usually involved in the snatching of ballot boxes and papers,
killing of the opposition aspirants, falsification of election results, motivating the godsons to
embezzle public fund, hijacking public securities to intimidate electorates in various polling units
all over the nation-state and using their political influence to bend the public policies.
WAY FORWARD/RECOMMENDATIONS
To put an end to political crisis created by political godfathers in Nigeria, the following factors
as identified by Bernard, (2009) must be considered as first priority so that all illegal acts will be
minimized;
i.          Political awareness campaigns should be put in place to put an end to political
murders.
ii.         Elective posts in Nigeria should be made unattractive. The idea of paying jumbo
salaries and allowances to elected public servants should be stopped.
iii.        Money, self-centredness and selfish influence should be de-emphasized in partisan
politics through vigorous public enlightenment about the fundamental human rights of both the political aspirants and the electorates.
iv.        The electoral law should lay emphasis on proper conduct of primary elections in
order to enhance the rights of the electorates in the choice of their candidates or representatives.
v.         Selection of candidates for elections or declaring candidates “unopposed” should be
outlawed and random plebiscite should be introduced by the INEC in the respective
constituencies to ascertain the popularity or acceptance of candidates chosen by political parties through primaries.
vi.        Alternatively, the INEC should request for and duly treat preliminary public
petitions against candidates chosen at the primaries.
vii.       A provision should be made for independent candidature in the electoral law in order
to cut the wings of political godfathers.
viii.      Misuse of the powers of incumbency should be curbed by appointing interim
government in place of incumbent President, Governor and Local Government Chairmen shortly before the next elections. This will curb the practice whereby the aforementioned public office holders preside over the elections in which they are contestants and collude with godfathers to rig elections in their own favour with their paraphernalia of office.
ix.        Electronic voting should be adopted for all elections in the country in order to minimize electoral fraud.

NEWS PAPERS
The Nation, April, 11, 2011. Pg 3& 12
The Nation, April, 12, 2011. Pg 9
The Nation, April 14,, 2011. Pg 2
The Nation, April 20, 2011. Pg7
The Nation, April, 21, 2011. Pmudaganiyu2011@gmail.comg6.
Next, Tuesday, May 31, 2011

TAIRU TAOFEEK KOLAWOLE
MASS COMMUNICATION HND II
MATRIC NO: 136072046

Wednesday 4 February 2015



Facebook Is Making News Feed Better By Asking Real People Direct Questions


It’s a well-known fact that Facebook’s flagship feature, News Feed, is run by algorithms.
Essentially, invisible computations are going on all the time that automatically optimize future items you see on your feed, depending on the actions you take now—what you click on, what you like, what you comment on. The goal is “to build the perfect personalized newspaper for 1.1 billion people and counting.”
But Facebook knows that it can do better than relying solely on these cold computations.
Facebook is currently running a focus-group-like program that asks people direct questions about News Feed items in an effort to improve post relevance.
This has now expanded to 600 people around the country, who are paid by Facebook to work answering News Feed questions four hours a day from home. Eventually, Facebook could offer some kind of direct questioning to its entire population of users.
The project works like this: each of these 600 Facebook users is presented with 30 top News Feed stories in a random order. Then they go through each story one by one. They can comment, share, follow a link, or choose to ignore the story. After that they answer eight questions about each item, including how much they cared about the subject of the story, how welcome the story was in their News Feed, how entertaining it was, and how much the story connected them to friends and family. Finally, they are asked to write a few sentences describing their overall feelings about the News Feed story.
Facebook itself acknowledges there are problems with how News Feed is currently set up. It’s already very good at delivering personal news from close friends—things like marriages, childbirths and vacations—but it’s also overrun with items that are sugary sweet and designed to tug at your emotions, which can dubbed the “Dozen Doughnuts problem.”
The donut-y content contrasts with a “vegetables” of real journalism and hard news. When so many of those donuts are presented to you at a time, you’re bound to click on at least one item. And that click sends a strong signal to Facebook: you want to see more of the same thing.
Facebook could interfere. But especially in the case of News Feed, it prefers not to be heavy-handed  “We might think that Ferguson is more important than the Ice Bucket Challenge but we don’t think we should be forcing people to eat their vegetables even though we may or may not think vegetables are healthy.”
As expected, news from close friends—especially tagged and photo stories—has been consistently rated as highly relevant. But other things, like the meaning of a “like,” has proven to be more ambiguous. It could mean anything from the approval of a story to validation of a user’s connection to the author.
Unfortunately, so far, it looks like users are less willing to engage with “meaningful” stories or news, preferring anything that triggers a strong emotional response. But Facebook is hopeful that when it begins asking users about sets of stories instead of individual items people will start to reward informative content.
The real reason why Facebook may have a vested interest in making News Feed the best product it can be is glossed over. Facebook made $2 billion in ad revenue last quarter, more than two-thirds of its total $3.59 billion in ad revenue for 2014.
And where do those ads live? In News Feed. If the social network can crack the problem of what users really want from News Feed, they can presumably apply those learnings to ads, too—and make those ads irresistible to its users in the process.

TAIRU TAOFEEK KOLAWOLE
LAGOS STATE POLYTECHNIC
MASS COMMUNICATION
HND II
136072046